Securing Syria's Oil
David L.
Thursday, October 31, 2019

Trump's peripatetic Syria policy zigzagged again over the weekend. After announcing that the U.S. would withdraw from Northern Syria, Trump changed course, announcing: "We've secured the oil, and, therefore, a small number of US troops will remain in the area where they have the oil. And we're going to be protecting it, and we'll be deciding what we're going to do with it in the future."
About 500 US Special Forces and other US personnel will deploy to the oil fields in eastern Syria. The deployment will include tank and armored units, as well as support troops. These troops will be in Syria for a while. They won’t be coming home anytime soon.
Why is Trump suddenly preoccupied with protecting Syria's oil? Why the sudden change of course regarding US troops in Syria?
Trump betrayed the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), withdrawing from observation posts and giving Erdogan a green light to invade. Trump now calls on the SDF to protect the oil.
Syrian oil has no place to go except international markets via Turkish traders and tankers operating from the Turkish port of Ceyhan. Erdogan, his family, and inner circle expect a windfall. Trump's decision to prioritize securing Syria’s oil is another gift to Erdogan.
Turkey colluded with ISIS between 2012 and 2014 to extract and smuggle Syrian oil, which represented a major revenue source for ISIS, generating $3 million/day. Turks enriched themselves from the terror trade. Berat Albayrak, President Erdogan's son-in-law was Energy Minister at the time, played a significant role coordinating oil exports from Syria. Bilal Erdogan, Erdogan's son, profited from shipping the oil from Ceyhan to international markets via his BMZ Group. Turkish middlemen with ties to Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) raked in revenue.
Columbia University's research report, "Turkey-ISIS Oil Trade", was published on 15 December 2015. Columbia is re-releasing the report, as a reminder of Turkey’s interest in Syria’s oil. Today, as before, Turks will profit at Syria’s expense. Now, however, Trump is in on the deal, steering benefits to Erdogan’s  family and inner circle.

Click here to read the research report: "Turkey-ISIS Oil Trade".
David Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He served as a Senior Adviser and Foreign Affairs Expert at the State Department during the administration of President Clinton, Bush, and Obama. His recent book is The Great Betrayal: How America Abandoned the Kurds and Lost the Middle East. His forthcoming book is Front Line Syria: A Political and Military History of the Civil War. Both books are published by Bloomsbury.


Syria: Never again
David L.
Tuesday, October 29, 2019

By: J. Kenneth Blackwell and David L. Phillips, Voices Contributors

Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdogan has threatened to “cleanse” northern Syria of Kurds. Though the term “ethnic cleansing” originated during the Bosnian War in the 1990s, genocide and ethnic cleansing are functionally interchangeable. Both are crimes against humanity to which the U.S. must be adamantly opposed.

The term “genocide” was coined by Raphael Lemkin in 1943 who explained, "I became interested in genocide because it happened so many times. It happened to the Armenians, then after the Armenians, Hitler took action." Genocide was the legal basis of the Nuremberg Trials, which prosecuted Nazi war criminals. The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, adopted in 1948, requires states to intervene, whereas ethnic cleansing has no explicit or implied legal obligation.

The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide outlines acts that constitute genocide if they are done “with the intent to destroy an ethnic, national, racial or religious group.” These include:

- Killing members of the group

- Causing serious bodily or mental harm

- Deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the group’s physical destruction in whole or in part

“Ethnic cleansing” is a complementary term first used by the Bosnian Serb leader, Radovan Karadzic, to characterize Serbia’s treatment of Muslims and non-Serbs during the break-up of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It may seem like a more benign and antiseptic term, but genocide and ethnic cleansing both describe crimes against humanity. 

As U.S. officials, and in our private capacities, we struggled to prevent ethnic cleansing by Serbs in Bosnia. We applauded in 1995 when the United States went to war to stop ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and, in 1999, U.S. forces intervened to prevent what happened in Bosnia from happening in Kosovo. In both instances, we championed the rights of Muslims. We were proud that the U.S. went to war to defend defenseless victims.

In 1998, we visited Southeast Turkey to document the systematic killing and displacement of ethnic Kurds. Turkey cited counter-terrorism to justify its crimes, which resulted in the deaths of 40,000 people and the displacement of millions. We testified to the UN Human Rights Commission on Turkey’s abuses.

Today, Turkey is practicing genocide again. Turkish troops and their jihadist mercenaries invaded northern Syria in October 2019. Erdogan vowed to “clear” the Kurds from the border area. Clear is a euphemism for cleanse, which is another way of saying genocide.

President Trump’s turning a blind eye to Erdogan’s murderous action against a U.S. ally who joined our fight against ISIS is a problem. The President said the Turks needed a swath of Syria to be “cleaned out” of Kurds -- this may be seen by many as an endorsement of ethnic cleansing. Regardless of the language or legal semantics, the U.S. should always oppose genocide and ethnic cleansing.

The U.S. has historically tried to be a force for good in the world. We opposed Hitler’s genocide. Bombed the Serbs to prevent ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and Kosovo. Launched the Gulf War to keep Saddam Hussein from using chemical weapons.

By allowing ethnic cleansing to remove the Kurds from northern Syria, the U.S. may be seen as an accomplice to Erdogan’s war crimes. The U.S. must oppose genocide in all its forms and in whatever name.

J. Kenneth Blackwell is the former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Human Rights Commission. David L. Phillips is Director of Columbia University’s Program on Peace-building and Rights. He served as a senior adviser and foreign affairs experts at the State Department during the administrations of President Clinton, Bush, and Obama.

Click here to read the article at The Christian Post.

If Trump won’t sanction Turkey, Congress must
David L.
Wednesday, October 23, 2019

By David L. Phillips

On Wednesday, President Trump announced that his administration would lift sanctions on Turkey after its president Tayyip Erdogan agreed to a “permanent ceasefire” in northern Syria. Lifting sanctions should not be a reward for egregious behavior. Rather, sanctions should be punitive, a strategic response to Turkey’s unprovoked cross-border attack that killed hundreds and displaced more than a quarter million Syrian Kurds. Congress should take the lead with sanctions legislation in order to hold Erdogan accountable. Lifting sanctions condones Turkey’s naked aggression and signals to other countries that they can abuse the rules-based international system with impunity.

Members of Congress are pressuring Trump to modify his decision to lift sanctions on Turkey. Within minutes of Trump’s announcement, Utah senator Mitt Romney wrote on Twitter, “It’s unthinkable that Turkey would not suffer consequences for malevolent behavior which was contrary to the interests of the United States and our friends.” The House has already passed a resolution that condemns the president’s retreat from northern Syria. Rather than address Congressional concerns, however, Trump has doubled down and accelerated the withdrawal of US forces. At this stage, Congress should exercise its power over foreign commerce and impose sanctions on Turkey.

New Democratic Representative Eliot Engel of New York, who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee, promised sanctions legislation next week. Senators Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, prominent members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, also support sanctions. They have proposed legislation restricting Turkey’s access to military equipment and energy resources

However, Senate action is uncertain. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has warned lawmakers that sanctions could push Turkey and Russia closer together. McConnell must recognize that Turkey and Russia are already working hand in glove.

Russian President Vladimir Putin sought to strengthen Russia at NATO’s expense. He has successfully driven a wedge between the United States and Turkey, nominally NATO allies.

When Turkey ignored US entreaties and recently acquired S-400 surface to air missiles from Russia for $2.5 billion, the Pentagon canceled Turkey’s participation in a consortium to produce F-35 stealth fighters based on fears that the war plane’s advanced technology might fall into Russian hands.

Putin and Erdogan’s deal on northern Syria cements Turkey-Russia cooperation. Russians and Turks will jointly patrol the buffer zone now occupied by the Turks and their Arab mercenaries. Putin and Erdogan echoed each other’s message at their October 22 press conference in Sochi. Putin warned that the Kurds will be “mauled” if they refuse to withdraw; Erdogan promised to “smash their heads.”

Putin secured Erdogan’s agreement for actions in other parts of Syria. Russian forces occupied US bases in Manbij and Kobani, consolidating its role in northern Syria and increasing Turkey’s reliance on Russian cooperation. In Idlib, Turkey will abandon Sunni Arab fighters as Russia and Assad take steps to clean the area of opponents.

Erdogan wants to upgrade Turkey’s nuclear energy program and enrich uranium to build a nuclear bomb. He will require Russia’s expertise and assistance.

A new dynamic defines Putin’s relationship with Erdogan. Russia achieved its broad strategic goals for Syria and the Middle East, while Erdogan is forced to accept a limited tactical victory on the border. The United States and its Kurdish allies are the biggest losers.

Senator McConnell should recognize that sanctions legislation will not push Turkey into Russia’s embrace. Turkey has already moved away from the West into a Eurasian orbit of influence. Putin and Erdogan have decided that their national interests are better served by cooperation with one another than through accommodation of the United States.

Russia welcomes Washington’s refusal to impose sanctions on Turkey. Putin opposes sanctions in general, and especially sanctions imposed by the United States and EU, following Russia’s illegal occupation of Crimea in 2014.

The United States must impose sanctions now. Beyond military and energy sanctions, the United States should freeze the overseas assets of Erdogan, his son-in-law, Berat Albayrak, and son, Bilal, who facilitated the sale of ISIS oil, giving a lifeline to the terror group.

America’s moral authority was undermined by its betrayal of the Kurds and ignominious retreat from Syria. Sanctions represent the best way for the United States to influence events going forward. If Trump won’t act, Congress must.

David Phillips is director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University. He served as a senior adviser and foreign affairs expert at the State Department under Presidents Clinton, Bush, and Obama. His recent book is “The Great Betrayal: How America Abandoned the Kurds and Lost the Middle East.” His forthcoming book is, “Front Line Syria: A Political and Military History of the Civil War.”

Click here to read the article at The Boston Globe.


David L.
Tuesday, October 22, 2019

By David L. Phillips

Repeating a lie often enough does not make it true. Trump adopted talking points from Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdogan, asserting that the Kurds were killing Christians in northern Syria. The exact opposite is true. Kurds have protected Armenians and Chaldean Christians, while Turkey and its Islamist militias target them. Syria’s Christian population is in peril as a result of Turkey’s invasion, which came on the heels of Trump’s betrayal of America’s allies, the Kurds. 

Turkey has a sordid history. It was responsible for the 1915 Armenian genocide and, more recently, as a state sponsor of terrorism. Beginning in 2013, Turkey’s National Intelligence Agency, under Erdogan’s instruction, operated the jihadi highway from Sanliurfa to Raqqa, the capital of the ISIS caliphate, providing weapons, money, logistics and medical services to more than 40,000 ISIS fighters from about 80 countries who transited through Turkey to Syria. Thousands of Turks also joined the ranks of ISIS.

When ISIS invaded Iraq and Syria in June 2014, with Turkish-backing, it targeted “apostates” – Shiites, Kurds, Yezidis, and Christians. Mosul’s 60,000 Christians were executed, displaced or trafficked as sex slaves. The same fate befell Christians in the Nineveh Plains and northern Syria. ISIS converted ancient churches into mosques, madrassas, and prisons. They tore down crosses and used chisels to deface tombstones in church graveyards.

The jihadist magazine, Dabiq, displayed images of crucified Christians as “a message in blood written to the Nation of the Cross”. It featured a picture of St. Peter’s Square with an ISIS flag superimposed atop its holy obelisk. The ISIS leader said his fighters would march “all the way to Rome,” and along the way, “break the crosses [and] trade and sell their women.”

Armenians in Syria were terrified about Turkey coming in, because of what Turkey did to their parents and grandparents 100 years ago. Kessab, an Armenian Christian town in the northwest, was attacked by jihadists, with support from the Turkish military, who advanced from the village of Gözlekçiler on Turkish territory. Thousands of jihadists used five different border crossings to cross unimpeded from Turkey. Many cars with Syrian license plates were observed ferrying fighters from the Turkish base at Kayapinar. In Kessab, 670 families were uprooted and 15 families taken hostage. Three Armenian churches in Kessab were desecrated by the jihadists. Syria’s Christian population was 250,000 in 2011. Only 30,000 remained by the end of 2016.

Syriacs are the second largest Christian community in Syria. Assyrian civilization dates back to 2,500 BC when Assyria was an ancient Mesopotamian kingdom spanning northern Iraq and the Nineveh plains. Assyrians, who pioneered the ancient Aramaic alphabet, self-identify as Syriacs, Arameans, and Chaldeans.

The Syriac Orthodox Church traces its history to St. Peter and St. Paul in the first century AD. Jesus spent some of His ministry in Syria and made Peter the first Pope while in Syria. Its Metropolitan, or religious leader, is believed to be the successor of Christ’s apostles and Saint Peter. Many Syriacs hailed from Hasaka, living alongside Kurdish neighbors, with whom they enjoyed good relations.

Christian churches and institutions, including schools and hospitals, were destroyed by Turkish –backed militias. The beheading of priests and community leaders was filmed in ISIS-execution videos, which included images of eleven desecrated churches. Hundreds of Syriacs were executed, thousands displaced, and scores of churches destroyed. Nuns were kidnapped and raped. In February 2015, jihadists attacked 35 Assyrian Christian villages along the Khabour River, causing 3,000 to flee. Jihadists ransomed their Assyrian captives for $100,000 each.

Turkish-backed militias offered a stark choice: convert and pay for protection, or die. According to the Syriac Union Party, “More than 100,000 Syriac Christians, one of the world's oldest Christian communities, fear Erdogan will finish the genocide that ISIS started.”

Starting with the onset of Syria’s civil war in 2011, Syria’s Christians were under threat from all sides including the regime and opposition militant groups -- but not from the Kurds. More than 11,000 Kurds in the Syrian Defense Forces, which included Christians, died fighting ISIS at America’s behest.

Bassam Ishak, President of the Syriac National Council of Syria, warned of a “horrible situation” if the U.S. pulled its troops from northern Syria.  "As soon as people hear that Turkish forces or their Syrian rebel allies are coming, the Christians will start fleeing." The evangelist, Rev. Pat Robertson, stated, "As the U.S. prepares to draw down, Syrian Christians fear they'll be wiped out. It appears U.S. policy has the potential to put 2,000 years of Christian tradition and history at risk." Tony Perkins, head of the Family Research Council, reflected that Turkey’s invasion “did shake the evangelical community…”. Franklin Graham, a prominent evangelist, said, “If this continues, you’ll have another million people displaced in Syria.” According to the Southern Baptist Convention, "Kurdish Christians (and others among the brave Kurds) have stood up for the United States and for freedom and human dignity. What they are now facing from Erdogan's authoritarian Turkey is horrifying beyond words."

Most Americans are outraged by America’s retreat in Syria and Trump’s green light for Erdogan’s genocide. Metro Detroit has an estimated 160,000 Chaldean Christians. About 500,000 Chaldean/Assyrians reside throughout the United States, particularly in Arizona, California, and Illinois.

Mike Pence and Mike Pompeo, self-professed evangelicals, have been silent in the face of Turkey’s aggression. Without Kurdish protection, Chaldean-Christians fear that Turkey will complete the work that ISIS tried to do, eradicating Christians from northern Syria.

Trump and his team are parroting Erdogan’s propaganda that Kurds are the perpetrators of attacks on Syria’s Christians. Trump has no understanding and little empathy for the impact his policies have on Christians in northern Syria. Trump’s big lie makes him complicit in Turkey’s crime. Christians are endangered by Trump’s ill-advised pull-out and abandonment of the Kurds.

David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He served as a senior adviser to the State Department during the administrations of President Clinton, Bush, and Obama. His recent book is The Great Betrayal: How America Abandoned the Kurds and Lost the Middle East.

David L.
Thursday, October 17, 2019

By David L. Phillips

Not so fast.

Mike Pence and Mike Pompeo got rolled by Erdogan. The “great deal” gives Turkey everything it wanted. It rewards Turkey for attacking our allies, the Kurds, assigning it control of a 22-mile buffer on the Syrian side of the border. The deal is in effect for five days, after which Turkey can continue its killing spree.

The Syrian Kurds were not involved in negotiations. A senior official for the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), which represents Syrian Kurds, says the SDC has no information about the agreement.

Giving Turkey control of the buffer zone rewards Turkey for seizing territory by force. This is Syrian and Kurdish land. Giving Turkey a buffer zone ensures further instability.

How does the deal address the status of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)? Turkey thinks they are required to disarm and depart the buffer zone. The SDF has a different understanding.

As of this writing, Turkey’s aggression continues. Ras al-Ayn is besieged on three sides and fighting is ongoing. 

Turkey does not commit to control its jihadist proxy, the Free Syrian Army (FSA), which acts under its supervision.

There is no accountability for Turkey’s war crimes and FSA atrocities. Nor is there a mechanism to ensure accountability in the future.

Turkey makes no commitment for the continued detention of hard-core ISIS fighters. Trusting Turkey to guard them is tantamount to the wolf guarding the chicken coop.

About 160,000 people have been driven from their homes in northern Syria. No arrangement exists for their return.

Trump is like a snake-oil salesman. Congress must not be fooled. Both houses should press ahead with sanctions on senior Turkish officials, including Erdogan, and others in the defense ministry and intelligence agency.

The US should insist on the immediate removal of 50 nuclear weapons presently at Incirlik air force base in Southeast Turkey.

Trump should rescind his invitation for Erdogan to visit the White House in a few weeks. Extending hospitality under such circumstances is morally repugnant.

The UN should open a humanitarian corridor from Ras al-Ayn, allowing evacuation of the wounded.

Trump’s “great deal” happened so fast. Did the Turks merely submit a list of demands to which Pence and Pompeo immediately agreed? What promises were made to Trump whose family business has an ownership position in 119 Turkish companies, as well twin towers in Istanbul bearing his name. Trump’s effusive praise for Erdogan raises suspicions that Erdogan will reward Trump once he leaves office.

What happened in Ankara is a diplomatic travesty. Pence and Pompeo are unprincipled amateurs, acting in Turkey’s interests – not America’s.

They have adopted Turkey’s talking points, parroting Erdogan that our allies, the Syrian Democratic Forces, are worse than ISIS. They are also echoing Turkish propaganda, blaming the Kurds for attacking Christians in northern Syrian when, in fact, the Kurds have been protecting them against the FSA. The SDF have protected minorities, including the Yezidis and Chaldean Christians, targeted by ISIS and more recently the Turkey’s FSA.

Shame on Turkey for attacking northern Syria in the first place. Shame on Pence and Pompeo for agreeing to their demands. Shame on the Congress if it abandons sanctions and on Erdogan’s terror state and his terror militia.

David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He served as a senior adviser working on US-Turkey relations at the State Department during the administrations of President Clinton, Bush, and Obama. His recent book is The Great Betrayal: How America Abandoned the Kurds and Lost the Middle East. His forthcoming book is Front Line Syria: A Political and Military History of the Civil War.

David L.
Saturday, October 12, 2019

Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdogan anticipated strong criticism of Trump for withdrawing US troops and giving Turkey a green light to invade. Erdogan wasted no time after their phone call on October 8, launching air strikes the next day and deploying ground troops before Trump could change his mind. At this stage, the US should take steps to discourage the escalation of conflict and mitigate the humanitarian emergency.

Trump was wrong to betray the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), America’s allies who helped defeat the Caliphate. Turkey shouldn’t be in Syria in the first place. It is not fighting terrorism, but killing Kurds. With “Operation Peace Spring” in full swing, there’s no putting toothpaste back in the tube.

Recep Erdogan

The US can, however, contain the damage, by insisting that Turkey limit its buffer zone to five miles from Turkey-Syrian border. That’s about the place where Turkish troops have currently paused before penetrating further into Syrian territory. If Turkey stopped now, Erdogan could claim mission accomplished and save face.

Syrian Kurds with whom I’m in contact insist they can defeat Turkey’s armed forces and its terror army (Arab jihadists called the “National Syrian Army”) if there’s a fair fight. A no fly zone would neutralize Turkey’s advantage and level the battlefield.

The US would not enforce the no fly zone on its zone. British and French war planes would be more than willing to participate.

Erdogan would be further compelled to change course if he felt that the US was serious about sanctions. The Treasury Department and US senators should work together on a broad sanctions package that would cripple Turkey’s economy and deprive Erdogan of his stolen wealth in overseas banks.

The sanctions would target Erdogan, his son Bilal, and son-in-law Berat Albayrak. Other Turkish officials would also be sanctioned, including Hakan Fidan, head of Turkey’s National Intelligence Office (MIT), Minister of Defense Hulusi Akar, and field commanders directing operations in Syria.

Hakan Fadan

Capitol Hill would support sanctions. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, and Senator Lindsey Graham, and Senator Chris Van Hollen are indignant about Trump’s betrayal of the SDF. They are the core of a veto-proof majority in the Senate.

Turkey’s aggression might have been prevented if Trump had threatened sanctions immediately. But it’s not too late. We have seen that Erdogan is susceptible to sanctions. In 2019, he caved to US pressure and released Pastor Andrew Brunson.

Erdogan knows that Trump is weak and expects him to acquiesce. Erdogan is gauging Washington’s reaction and international public opinion.

If the US fails to establish a no-fly-zone, General Mazlum Kobani, SDF head, said he would turn to Russia and the Syrian regime for protection. Alienating the SDF would further erode America’s influence.

A US-led no fly zone and biting financial sanctions for Erdogan and his inner circle would stop Turkey’s aggression, save Kurdish lives, and limit the humanitarian emergency. Now is the time to act before Syria explodes and the UN-led peace process permanently unravels.

David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He was aSenior Adviser and Foreign Affairs Expert at the State Department during the administrations of President Clinton, Bush, and Obama. His recent book is The Great Betrayal: How America Abandoned the Kurds and Lost the Middle East. His forthcoming book is Front Line Syria: A Political and military history of Syria’s Civil War.

Turkey and ISIS Benefit from Trump's Retreat
David L.
Wednesday, October 9, 2019

By David L. Phillips

Turkish war planes and artillery are attacking Kurdish positions in North and East Syria, Turkey’s foot soldiers, the Free Syrian Army (FSA), are massing at the border poised to attack. Terrorism is resurgent under Turkey’s protection. The FSA is a terrorist gang with a sordid history of atrocities and ties to ISIS.

The gains of ISIS and the FSA come at Kurdish expense. More than 11,000 Syrian Kurds died fighting ISIS. The SDF was the point of the spear liberating Raqqa, the capital of the ISIS caliphate, and cleansed ISIS fighters from Baghouz, a sliver of territory on the border of Syria and Iraq where ISIS made its last stand.

Trump was quick to take credit after Baghouz. He claimed, “ISIS is 100% defeated.” However, ISIS is a durable movement and ideology. It still has up to 18,000 fighters across Iraq and Syria, with a war chest of $400 million. The Kurds have detained 10,000 ISIS fighters from Syria and Iraq at Al Hol camp in eastern Syria. More than 2,000 foreign fighters are also detained at Al Hol. Al Hol’s total population of 74,000 includes ISIS brides and children who areripe for radicalization and recruitment.

Last Sunday, Trump was swayed by Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdogan to withdraw U.S. troops from North and East Syria. The decision puts hard-fought gains against ISIS at-risk. As Kurdish fighters rush to the front line, ISIS detainees under Kurdish control will escape, augmenting ISIS ranks.

Trump naively asserts that “if Turkey was to mount a major incursion, the problem would be all theirs”. Giving Turkey responsibility is equivalent to letting the wolf guard the chicken coop.

Turkey was the original backer of Islamist fighters in Syria. When Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad used chemical weapons to attack Ghouta in 2013, Turkey’s National Intelligence Agency (MIT) established the “jihadi highway” between Sanliurfa and Raqqa. It provided weapons, money, and logistical support to 40,000 foreign fighters transiting through Turkey to join ISIS in Syria.

Turkey supported ISIS in plain sight. It terror ties were well-known to U.S. officials and intelligence agencies. During a speech at Harvard University in 2014, Vice President Joe Biden confirmed that Turkey, Qatar and the UAE had provided "billions of dollars and tens of thousands of tons of weapons" to Sunni fighters trying to overthrow Assad.

U.S. efforts to stand-up the FSA and other armed opposition groups failed miserably. When the U.S. suspended its train and equip program, Turkey took over and turned the FSA into a Turkish-controlled jihadi army.

In March 2014, Turkey orchestrated the invasion of Kessab, an Armenian enclave in northwest Syria, by its jihadi proxies. Hundreds of Armenians and other Christians were killed. Churches were desecrated and destroyed.

When Turkey invaded Jarablus in August 2016, the city fell without a shot. The Turks collaborated with ISIS fighters who changed out of their terror garb and joined brethren in the FSA ranks.

The FSA invaded Afrin in December 2018. Kurdish defenders were beheaded by FSA fighters. The FSA raped and mutilated the bodies of Kurdish women in the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ), cutting off their breasts and posing for selfies with their body parts. The FSA coerced a young Syrian boy to decapitate a Syrian soldier and then used the head as a soccer ball.

The FSA changed its name to the Syrian National Army. It has not, however, changed its character as a criminal gang or its disdain for the Geneva Conventions and international humanitarian law.

Today, Turkey launched air strikes against Ras al-Ayn and neighboring villages in northern Syria. Backed by Turkish tanks, the FSA is poised to invade and will commit a new round of atrocities.

The U.S. must be steely-eyed, seeing Turkey as it is – anti-American, anti-democratic, and Islamist. The FSA is a criminal gang under Turkey’s control, committing atrocities in Turkey’s name. Erdogan’s Turkey is a terror state with its FSA terror militia. By turning a blind eye, Trump is an accomplice to Turkey’s crimes. The blood of Turkey’s victims is on Trump’s hands.

David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He served as a Senior Adviser to the State Department during the administrations of President Clinton, Bush, and Obama. His recent book is The Great Betrayal: How America Abandoned the Kurds and Lost the Middle East. His forthcoming book is titled Front Line Syria: A Political and Military History of Syria’s Civil War.

Shock and Disgust: Trump Turns a Blind Eye to Turkey's Slaughter of Kurds in Syria
David L.
Monday, October 7, 2019

By David L. Phillips

President Donald J. Trump succumbed to Turkey’s demand for a “safe zone” in North and East Syria, announcing overnight that the U.S. is pulling back forces that have served as a trip wire deterring Turkey’s invasion. The pullback reverses years of U.S. policy, ignoring advice from the Pentagon and State Department. Trump’s decision is strategically flawed, tactically incoherent -- and morally repugnant.

More than 11,000 Kurdish fighters have died fighting ISIS in North and East Syria at America’s behest, and 22,000 more were wounded. Kurds were America’s boots on the ground fighting the ISIS caliphate in Syria.

U.S. cooperation with the Kurds dates back to the fall of 2014 when the Pentagon provided weapons and air support to the People’s Protection Units (YPG) and the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) to defeat ISIS in Kobani. Since then, the Kurds defeated ISIS in Tell Abyad, the border crossing used by Turkey to supply its jihadist proxies in a Syria. Kurds were the point of the spear, liberating the capital of the ISIS caliphate in Raqqa. In March 2019, Kurds defeated ISIS in Baghouz, destroying its last sanctuary in Syria, after weeks of intense fighting.

Abandoning the Kurds, America’s only ally in Syria, will result in a bloodbath. Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdogan has pledged to cleanse Kurds and make way for refugees to resettle in Syria.

As we have seen in Afrin, which Turkey decimated in January 2018, heroic and highly motivated Kurdish defenders are no match for Turkey’s air power, armor, and criminal proxy, the Free Syrian Army.

The ISIS caliphate may be destroyed, but ISIS is far from defeated. U.S. Special Forces were relying on their Kurdish allies to keep the pressure on ISIS.

Thousands of ISIS fighters have been detained by the Kurds. As Kurdish fighters redeploy to counter Turkey’s aggression, ISIS detainees will escape and rejoin their Turkish compatriots.

U.S. Special Forces have already abandoned observation posts in Tell Abyad and Ras al-Ayn. Without U.S. protection, the Kurds have no place to turn for protection except the Syrian regime and Russia. As a result, America’s position in Syria will be further marginalized as we enter the political and military end-game of Syria’s civil war.

Washington’s precipitous withdrawal will destroy multilateralism, causing France and Britain, who support the Kurds, to pull back their forces. U.S. allies are dismayed by Trump’s decision to abandon a year’s worth of negotiations aimed at managing relations between Turkey and the Kurds, which kept Turkey’s invasion at-bay.

The flight of Kurds will destabilize Iraq, which is struggling with domestic unrest. Iraqi Kurdistan already hosts hundreds of thousands of displaced persons from the war in Syria and sectarian conflict in Iraq.

As we saw in Kobani, Turkish Kurds will protest Turkey’s invasion and war crimes. Resulting unrest risks civil war in Turkey. Violence will occur in Turkey’s Southeast, where Kurds predominate, Hatay Province along Turkey’s border with Syria, as well as Istanbul, home to more than one million Kurds.

Trump’s wrong and short-sighted decision not only betrays the Kurds. It discredits the United States to partners in the worldwide fight against ISIS. Who will fight and die for the United States the next time we need friends to counter violent extremism?

David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Human Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He served as a Senior Adviser to the U.S. State Department during the administrations of President Clinton, Bush and Obama. His most recent book is The Great Betrayal: How America Abandoned the Kurds and Lost the Middle East (Bloomsbury). His forthcoming book is titled Front Line Syria: A Political and Military History of the Civil War (Bloomsbury).

Tuesday, August 13, 2019
David L.
The Globe Post
Wednesday, July 3, 2019